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This is the online version of the Louisiana Division's annual Black History Month exhibit, 1996 edition. It includes the full text of the inhouse exhibition along with five images in addition to the one seen above. To view the images just click on the highlighted words or phrases as they appear in the text below.
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Front Panels
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"Not all men are called to specialized or professional jobs; even fewer to the heights of genius in the arts and sciences; many are called to be laborers in factories, fields, and streets. But no work is insignificant." [Martin Luther King, Jr. Where Do We Go from Here? (1968)]
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The diversity in employment of worth remarked on by Dr. King is well illustrated by the history of African-American occupations in the city of New Orleans. This exhibit identifies just a smattering of the jobs held by local black men and women over the past 150 years or so. Some of the people depicted here are well known, others labored anonymously, but no less importantly, in the long process of making New Orleans a great city. The stories of many thousands more wait to be discovered by diligent researchers into the history of African Americans in the Crescent City.
Before the Civil War, when slavery dominated the economy of the American South, New Orleans stood out from the rest of the nation in the way that it employed its slaves. In most southern states, and in most of Louisiana, the vast majority of slaves worked as agricultural laborers on large and small plantations. But the Crescent City, the largest metropolis in the South and one of the most important commercial centers in all of America, found many diverse ways to put its slaves to work.
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"While most city slaves were domestic servants, there were also many who were highly skilled.... Many of the city slaves worked as draymen, porters, carpenters, masons, bricklayers, painters, plasterers, tinners, coopers, wheelwrights, cabinetmakers, blacksmiths, shoemakers, millers, bakers, and barbers. Most, however, were unskilled laborers often owned by brickyards, iron foundries, hospitals, distilleries, railroad companies, and Catholic convents." [John W. Blassingame, Black New Orleans,1860-1880 (Chicago, 1973), 2]
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Antebellum New Orleans was also home to the largest population of free black men and women of any city in the United States. Many of these individuals shared the French, Spanish, and Catholic heritage of the city at large. Among these gens de couleur libre there were even some whose wealth and background put them into a refined upper class. Many more free black men and women, meanwhile, worked in occupations devoted to satisfying the tastes of those at the apex of African-American society in the Crescent City.
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"In 1850 an overwhelming majority of the free n***o men in New Orleans worked as carpenters, masons, cigar makers, shoemakers, clerks, mechanics, coopers, barbers, draymen, painters, blacksmiths, butchers, cabinetmakers, cooks, stewards, and upholsters. ...the 1,792 free n***o males listed in the 1850 census were engaged in fifty-four different occupations; only 9.9 percent of them were unskilled laborers. Some of them even held jobs as architects, bookbinders, brokers, engineers, doctors, jewelers, merchants, and musicians." [John W. Blassingame, Black New Orleans,1860-1880 (Chicago, 1973), 10]
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The skills they had learned in the years before the Civil War permitted many in the local black community to prosper during the heady days of Reconstruction. Though short-lived, the political power enjoyed by local African Americans during the 1870s was real. Some black politicians were able to reach high public office either through appointment or by popular election. P.B.S. Pinchback, who served as acting governor of the state from 1872 to 1873, is but the best known of dozens of successful local black politicians. Other black New Orleanians made names for themselves as attorneys, newspaper publishers, commission merchants, and insurance executives.
In the late 1870s there began a series of actions by white conservatives to reduce the political, social, and economic power of local African Americans, the descendants of the old black Creole class, as well as the mass of recently emancipated slaves. Blacks were able to maintain their economic power in such key areas as dock workers, artisans, and various businesses serving the increasingly segregated African-American community. For the most part, though, New Orleans blacks worked in the lowest positions within the local economy.
The economic condition of the African-American community at the end of the nineteenth century marked the status quo for more than fifty years. A small black middle class managed to survive largely by providing services to the larger population living around it. Teachers, ministers, hair dressers, and undertakers were among the more successful occupations for African-American New Orleanians during this period.
Beginning in the years following World War II and accelerating during the late 1960s, local blacks began to regain some of the political power they had enjoyed during Reconstruction years. Spurred once again by federal legislation mandating civil and voting rights, African Americans progressed politically in the Crescent City and in 1977 garnered the ultimate prize with the election of Dutch Morial as mayor. Since that time there has been a new expansion in economic opportunities for black citizens. In the public sector, in the health care industry, in education, and in tourism, African Americans are participating in the local workforce in positions never before held.
Despite this important progress much remains to be done. For every "success story" like Alden McDonald, Larry Lundy, Norman Francis, and Marc Morial, there are too many other African-American New Orleanians who are unemployed, underemployed, or otherwise not enjoying the fruits of the overall economic well being characteristic of America today. As Mayor Morial noted in 1994, "Business enterprises owned by women and by members of racial and ethnic minorities must move more into the mainstream of the New Orleans economy. Thus, this administration will implement programs that will foster an economic environment in which these business enterprises can prosper."
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"We have the record of kings and gentlemen ad nauseam and in stupid detail; but of the common run of human beings and particularly of the half or wholly submerged working group, the world has saved all too little authentic record and tried to forget or ignore even the little saved." [W.E.B. DuBois, (ca. 1903)]
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DuBois spoke the above words at a time when historians depended on collections built around the papers left by "Great Men." Of course that meant that only the accomplishments of white males were recognized as being of importance in the development of the United States of America. Fortunately, historians in more recent years have begun to explore sources beyond the traditional collections, more often than not concentrating on records that document the social fabric of entire communities. The investigation of a wider body of historical source material has made it possible for many important black men and women and their contributions to become known to all Americans.
The New Orleans City Archives is an outstanding example of a collection that documents the entire social fabric of the local community. This exhibit on the African-American work experience in the Crescent City draws on the variety of documentation in the Archives and in other Louisiana Division collections. It presents but a small fragment of the story of local black endeavor. The City Archives stands open to scholars and other researchers interested in further investigation of the subject
Many free black youths learned trades through apprenticeships with established artisans and craftsmen, both black and white. Indenture agreements between the apprentices and their mentors were witnessed by the Mayor and recorded in books kept in his office. This 1821 indenture bound the free black brothers Francois and Joseph Charles to the white cabinet maker Caleb Stringer for a period of five years.
As the commercial center of the antebellum South, New Orleans depended on an adequate system of transportation to get its varied goods to market. The municipal government regulated this activity by licensing operators of carts, carriages, and other conveyances. This document is a security bond designed to insure that the licensee, a free black man by the name of Jacques Voltaire, abided by the rules governing such vehicles.
A typical newspaper advertisement for an upcoming slave sale. Such advertisements were careful to highlight any occupational talents possessed by the individual slaves--such special skills were sure to bring top dollar at the sale. This advertiser was also careful to list his slave Seraphine's "vices," a form of antebellum truth in advertising.
New Orleans had an African-American newspaper, L'Union, even before Abraham Lincoln issued his final Emancipation Proclamation at the beginning of 1863. Paul Trevigne served as editor of L'Union and later edited its successor, The New Orleans Tribune. This sheet from the October 26, 1867 Tribune includes at least three references to local black occupations during the early Reconstruction period. The article in column one refers to the employment of black police officers (well over a year prior to the establishment of the Metropolitan Police as a biracial force). A "thank you" in the second column refers to C.S. Sauvinet, an African-American employee of the Freedmen's Savings Bank. And, finally, column seven includes an advertisement for St. F. Casanave, a black broker and agent. Casanave later was an agent for the Louisiana State Lottery.
Basile Bares was a former slave and a talented musician and composer in the Crescent City. This item of sheet music illustrates but one of his many compositions and arrangements.
In a city with such a strong Catholic heritage it was only natural that many, if not most, free black citizens embraced the practice of that religion. Free black Catholics were responsible for the establishment of at least one religious order, the Sisters of the Holy Family. These pages from a printed French language copy of the sisterhood's charter describe the society's mission and identify its principals, including foundress Henriette Delile.
This page from the city comptroller's published report for the first half of 1858 shows that the city hired black musician Jordan B. Noble to provide music for that year's Battle of New Orleans anniversary celebration. Noble had been the drummer in Andrew Jackson's 7th Infantry Regiment during the famous battle of 1815.
African-American roustabouts on the city docks.
Belfield's Pharmacy, 1830 St. Bernard Ave., in 1931, from The Roneagle.
African-American concrete workers during the construction of City Park Stadium, in 1936, a project sponsored by the Works Progress Administration.
Woods Directory, published in 1914, offered African Americans an opportunity to advertise their businesses and services. Subtitled "Being a Colored Business, Professional and Trades Directory of New Orleans, Louisiana," the directory also lists churches, clubs, hospitals, parks, schools, theatres, and societies. The ads displayed here illustrate the diversity and accomplishment of the African-American business community in New Orleans.
Members of the faculty of McDonogh 35 High and Normal School, 1931, then located at 655 S. Rampart. During the 1930-31 session, the introduction says, "nearly 800 students enrolled, to receive instruction from twenty teachers." McDonogh 35 was the only four-year high school for black students until Booker T. Washington High School opened in 1942.
Third from left on row two is Charles B. Rousseve, who taught English, French, and Psychology. From the 1931 edition of The Roneagle, the McDonogh 35 yearbook. His picture appears again later in this exhibit.
Dr. Wesley N. Segre, a pediatrician, examines a child at the Mary Buck Health Center, ca. 1952. The Louisiana State Board of Medical Examiners licensed forty African-American physicians in Orleans Parish in 1952.
The Preservation Hall Jazz Band, photographed by Keith Medley in Lafayette Square, ca. 1980.
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Display Case #1
"African Americans in New Orleans: Making a Living" was designed and mounted by archivists Wayne Everard and Irene Wainwright with the assistance of Ridgway's, Inc. and of Robert Baxter and Charles DeLong of New Orleans Public Library's Duplications section. The exhibit will remain on view in this space through April 9. It is also available online at
http://www.gnofn.org/~nopl/exhibits/black96.htm where it will remain indefinitely.
Among the best sources for information about slave occupations are the advertisements for slave sales that appeared in the daily newspapers. This scrapbook, kept by auctioneer Benjamin Kendig, is filled with clippings of such ads. The variety of jobs--cook, waiter, house servant, washer, teamster, and seamstress--listed in these 1857 notices illustrates well the diversity of the urban slave phenomenon. Of special note is the description of George, "a No. 1 meat and pastry cook, capable of taking charge of the cooking department of a first rate hotel, restaurant, boarding house or private family; can't be surpassed as a cook in this city."
Very few of the names recorded in this 1855 census of merchants are identified as African Americans. Note here, at #264, that George, a slave, appears to have been operating an "eating house for Negroes" in partnership with a Mr. Kirchoff [the St. Mary Street noted in the record is now Church Street].
Local laws governing the licensing of peddlers allowed masters to designate slaves to do the actual selling. This register from the Mayor's Office, ca. 1826, identifies a dozen or so slaves who were authorized to peddle for the men who held the actual licenses.
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"As a result of the training he received during the antebellum period, the New Orleans n***o was probably more highly skilled than black laborers in any other city in the United States." [John W. Blassingame, Black New Orleans, 1860-1880 (Chicago, 1973), 60]
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Antebellum city directories identified at least some of the free people of color residing in New Orleans, but listed few occupations for those individuals. Of the several free blacks shown on these two pages from the 1855 directory, only Louis Petit, a carpenter, is classified by occupation. The federal census records for 1850 and 1860, available on microfilm in the Louisiana Division, provide a more complete view of the free black population and its employment status.
After the Civil War city directories for at least some years continued to include racial designations for at least some of the black citizens of New Orleans. These pages from the 1867 edition show the occupations for several "colored" persons, including photographer John Roberts. The federal census records for 1870-1920 provide more thorough documentation of African-American New Orleanians and the jobs they held.
Some slave owners hired their people out to the city for employment on the public works. This volume from the Surveyor of the city's First Municipality in 1841 lists the names of individual slaves and their masters and records the number of days worked each month along with the amount of wages due each master. The separate entry at the bottom of the folio shows that some of the work assigned to these black day laborers took place in the city cemetery, then located on Bayou St. John. Other tasks allocated to these workers included cleaning the streets and markets, lighting the streets, maintaining bridges, wharves, and levees, and opening streets. Other pages in this and similar record books show that slaves confined to the Police Jail were sent out in chains to work alongside the wage-earners.
Many Southerners disapproved of the practice by which slave owners "hired out" their people to work as wage earners for third parties. Hiring out weakened the control that the master had over his slaves and gave the bondsmen a degree of freedom deemed to be dangerous to the "Peculiar Institution." The city of New Orleans attempted to regulate the employment of "slaves as hirelings by the day" with this ordinance, passed in 1817.
The practice of hiring out slaves to work for individuals other than the legal master sometimes created problems for all parties involved. In the Parish Court lawsuit brought by slave owner Samuel McMaster against steamboat captain Nicholas Beckwith, McMaster charged the captain with taking the slave John Scott away from Louisiana to Louisville. McMaster claimed that Beckwith had deprived him of the use and value of his slave, and sued for damages. Numerous third parties offered testimony in this matter, testimony that provides interesting detail on the movements and activities of Scott during the late 1820s. In this document another steamboat captain, Richard Groom, attests that while Scott worked for him, "...he was a good cook and acquitted himself to my entire satisfaction. ... He was as good a servant as I would want to have."
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"... blacks did in fact possess a majority of New Orleans waterfront jobs. They constituted half of the better-paid screwmen, longshoremen, and yardmen, and they dominated the lower-paid ranks of teamsters and loaders, car loaders and unloaders, railroad terminal freight handlers, coastwise longshoremen, coal wheelers, and coal shifters. These latter jobs occupied the lower end of the waterfront's occupational hierarchy, where wages and working conditions were worse than in the better paying longshore and screwmen's trades." [Eric Arnesen, Waterfront Workers in New Orleans: Race, Class, and Politics, 1863-1923 (Chicago, 1994), 250]
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Display Case #2
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"In spite of discrimination, blacks were able to garner a disproportionate share of certain skilled jobs. While Negroes constituted only 25 percent of the total labor force, they held from 30 to 65 percent of all jobs as steamboat men, draymen, masons, bakers, carpenters, cigar makers, plasterers, barbers, and gardeners in 1870." [John W. Blassingame, Black New Orleans, 1860-1880 (Chicago, 1973), 61]
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One of the most extraordinary African-American New Orleanians of the nineteenth century was Francois Lacroix. A merchant tailor by trade, Lacroix acquired massive land holdings in the city and accumulated a considerable fortune. The civil court proceedings to settle his estate lasted for over a quarter century following his death in 1876 and generated an enormous amount of paper. The Francois Lacroix succession record includes many interesting documents that provide insights into both his own life and the larger life of the black community in New Orleans.
Francois Lacroix and his partner Etienne Cordeviolle operated a profitable clothing store on Chartres St. in the Vieux Carre. The style of the billhead on this invoice for goods sold in the year 1840 suggests that the Lacroix establishment was indeed a fashionable store.
Francois Lacroix had so much property to rent that he had a standard form of lease prepared to make it easier for his agent to handle the business.
This letter from J.D. Bingham, Quartermaster of the United States, shows that Francois Lacroix claimed ownership of land used by the federal army to erect a smallpox hospital for the Crescent City.
The immensity of Lacroix's land holdings is illustrated by this advertisement for the sale of one hundred lots of ground belonging to his estate. Note also the 1895 date of the sale, testimony to the complexity of the Lacroix estate.
Julien Lacroix, Francois' brother, was a successful grocer in the seventh ward until his death in 1868. This bill from the surviving business appears to document the variety of foodstuffs enjoyed by Francois Lacroix in the last days of his life.
Filed in the Lacroix succession record is this document, the undertaker's bill for Lacroix's funeral. It shows that Lacroix went out in style, with ten carriages in his funeral procession and with a fine coffin to shelter him for eternity. The undertaker, Nelson Morand, was a prominent African-American inhabitant of the city's seventh ward.
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"... the roustabout's job, often filled by former slaves in the decades after the Civil War, was perhaps the least desirable of all transportation-related work. Although wages were sometimes high, roustabouts endured harsh treatment, poor food, and bad living conditions; moreover, as rural, illiterate workers with a reputation for fast living, they were rarely welcomed by the city's established black community." [Eric Arnesen, Waterfront Workers in New Orleans: Race, Class, and Politics, 1863-1923 (Chicago, 1994), 39]
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Black and white laborers on one of the riverfront wharves in New Orleans, ca. 1890s.
African-American dockworkers formed their own union, the Longshoremen's Protective Union Benevolent Association, in 1872. The LPUBA succeeded in holding its own in the struggle to keep black longshoremen competitive with their white counterparts on the New Orleans riverfront. This document is a 1888 typewritten copy of an original agreement signed one year previously by the LPUBA and the white union. These conference rules were designed to maintain both groups as active participants in loading and unloading vessels docked in the port of New Orleans.
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"During the 1880s and after the turn of the century, longshore workers sustained a movement that ran counter to the dominant trend of black subordination, exclusion, and segregation in the age of Jim Crow." [Eric Arnesen, Waterfront Workers in New Orleans: Race, Class, and Politics, 1863-1923 (Chicago, 1994), ix]
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African Americans worked on board steamboats as well as on the docks. This ca. 1896 photograph shows black dining room attendants on the "Bluff City."
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"The occupational base which blacks established during Reconstruction served them well in the twentieth century. ... The economic successes of Negroes during Reconstruction were the most important factors in their ability to avoid complete strangulation by white unions, corrupt city officials, and anti-n***o employers in New Orleans in the twentieth century." [John W. Blassingame, Black New Orleans, 1860-1880 (Chicago, 1973), 63]
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Reconstruction opened up the political arena to black office seekers for the first time in our history. Many elections held during the period were hotly contested and often were decided by lawsuits. This document, from the Eighth District Court suit of John Tobin vs Jules A. Massicot, indicates that Tobin challenged the latter's election as Criminal Sheriff for New Orleans. The court upheld Massicot's victory and he served as Sheriff from 1870-1872. He later served three terms as one of the state Senators from the Crescent City.
African-American politicians occupied numerous important offices during the Reconstruction period. These pages from the official journal of the Louisiana House of Representatives include the names of several black state legislators from the Crescent City during the 1872 session of the Legislature including Charles W. Ringgold, chairman of the Committee on Corporations, Edgar Davis, Victor E. McCarthy, William B. Barrett, and Raford Blunt, chairman of the Committee on Parochial Affairs.
A cabin boy, deckhand, and steward on Mississippi River steamboats before and during the Civil War, P.B.S. Pinchback emerged from the struggle ready to set out on what proved to be a successful political career. He was elected to the Louisiana senate in 1871 and later served as acting governor following the impeachment of Henry Clay Warmoth in 1872. Pinchback was also owner and manager of the Louisianian, one of several African-American newspapers published in New Orleans during the latter half of the nineteenth century. He is pictured here in Jewell's Crescent City Illustrated (1873), an early New Orleans "city guide" publication.
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Display Case #3
Two young boys survey the wares of an African-American fruit seller in this undated photograph by New Orleans photographer Charles L. Franck. Although the Louisiana Division's Photograph Collection contains a number of Franck's prints, The Historic New Orleans Collection owns the full Franck collection.
This street vendor, photographed by Charles L. Franck, was one of many African Americans who made a sometimes precarious living peddling vegetables, fruit, meats, fish, and other edibles in the residential districts of the city.
A pole peddler, photographed by George Mugnier. The poles were probably used for clotheslines.
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"I stop to think sometimes, and I wonder how the poor colored people got along. You couldn't work in the department stores, the men couldn't drive a bus, you couldn't work for the telephone company, you couldn't work for the Public Service, so if you didn't do menial labor, or housework, or learn to be a cigar maker, or you weren't lucky enough to get an education to teach, well, you were in very bad luck because then these people had nothing to do. You see, they didn't give the poor colored people jobs." [Eugenia Lacarra, quoted in Arthe A. Anthony, "'Lost Boundaries': Racial Passing Poverty in Segregated New Orleans," Louisiana History (Summer 1995), 291]
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A New Orleans Police Department commemorative album published in 1900 included photographs of the six African-American patrolmen then on the force--George St. Avide, Louis J. Therence, William H. Robinson, Henry Labeaud, George Doyle, and Benjamin J. Blair. After 1915, NOPD recruited no more black policemen until 1950.
An African-American laborer readies a bale of cotton for the press at the Dock Board's Public Cotton Warehouse. The photograph was taken by Charles L. Franck for the Board of Commissioners of the Port of New Orleans on February 21, 1917.
Bucksell's Pharmacy was located at 2333 Magnolia, corner Erato, in 1920. Around the corner, in the same building, was the dental parlor of Dr. Reginald E. Watkins. This photograph by Charles L. Franck was probably taken a few years earlier.